In recent times, Israeli and pro-Israel Greek accounts have been vocal about Türkiye posing a threat to not only them, but the entire world. The bizarre increase in this rhetoric comes as the war on Iran knocks US prestige to an all time low.

Just over a hundred years ago, the sun was setting on the Ottoman Empire. Stagnant for several centuries, the once mighty empire was fractured and weak. After the defeat of the Central Powers in World War One, a plan to divide what remained of the Ottoman Empire was prepared. Only a small state would be left for the Turks along the Black Sea. This plan, the Treaty of Sevres, was foiled and the coalition of forces fighting for control over Anatolia were utterly humiliated by Ataturk and his men. This dashed the hopes of Greek control over western Anatolia and Istanbul, a pain that lives in the hearts of many ultra nationalist Greeks; One which Israeli agitators wish to exploit.

As the US-Israeli war on Iran falters, one thing is becoming apparent. Israeli dominance over the Middle East simply isn’t viable. This is despite having F-35s and arguably the best air defence network in active use. This is the strongest Israel has been and backed by the full force of the US military might, they were able to inflict heavy damage on Iran. However, they couldn’t anticipate Iran’s costly retaliation. Against all odds Iran is not only still standing, but they chinked the US’s armour. A political crisis is brewing in the US as a result of this, and it has Israeli lobbyists horribly concerned about their future with Türkiye.

Why Türkiye frightens Israel both militarily and politically.

The Turkish Armed Forces has a long history of being highly capable, disciplined and motivated. It’s also the second largest military in NATO.

In comparison to Iran, the Turkish military is far more advanced. In recent times it revolutionized warfare, with the 2020 drone wars. Since then, it has innovated across the board, steadily building up one of the most capable and up-to-date militaries in the world. Though in need of manned stealth fighters, unmanned stealth platforms are already beginning to trickle into the inventory; Backed by countless other unmanned platforms, a growing missile stock, a highly capable navy, all fitted with advanced electronics. The Turkish Armed Forces would be a nightmare to fight, even with a full coalition.

In recent times, Türkiye has gained clout amongst the Muslim world. It’s provided weapons and been a stabilizing force across the Middle East and Africa. This has helped Erdogan domestically; however, it’s also been exploited by Israel as evidence that Türkiye is trying to resurrect the Ottoman Empire.

Israel is now attempting to play the religion card. By depicting Türkiye as a backwards, Islamic nation, they wish to gain the support of Western Christians. However, this simply won’t work. Despite the CIA’s efforts to Islamize Türkiye throughout the cold war with agents such as Fetullah Gulen, combined with Erdogan’s constant push for more religion, Türkiye firmly remains secular. This threatens Israel’s claim of being the most modern nation in the region and completely shatters one of its biggest PR strengths. Instead, as Anti-Semitism grows in the west, Jews are being likened to Muslims in terms of being a threat and Israel is seen as more radical than ever before.

The US out and Greece in

As the US public begins to shun Israel, Greece is being courted as Israel’s next great ally. To maintain their position in the Middle East, Israel is counting on Greece to pressure Türkiye; offering billions in weapon systems. Following announcements of this alliance, some Israeli officials, former politicians and a sea of bot accounts and propagandists have been spreading threats of conflict. This includes an uptick in Anti-Turkish posts by both Israeli and Greek accounts, some of which are part of the Esther Project.

This desperate attempt to stir up support is, however, not going according to plan. Not only are American’s completely against it, but many Greeks are also calling it out as a trap.

Erdogan and Netanyahu’s reign over their nations has unsurprisingly seen these two former allies at loggerheads with each other. This tension isn’t good for either nation. But ultimately though Israel is daring, it can’t afford a direct conflict with Türkiye, even with the help of allies.

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Military power lists frequently consider a variety of elements, including the size of a nation’s military, the quantity of weapons and equipment it possesses, and its defence budget. The popular Global Firepower list uses metrics such as coastlines, workforce and oil production provide a more accurate assessment of a nation’s overall power. These variables give a reasonable overview of a nation’s prowess, but they ignore the various complexities and subtleties of military strength.

For instance, a nation’s military might not be as effective as its size might suggest. A smaller, well-trained military may be more effective in war than a larger one because it may be more manageable and easier to coordinate. A nation’s military strength is not always indicated by the quantity of weapons and equipment it has. Even if a nation possesses the most cutting-edge weaponry, if its soldiers lack the knowledge and experience necessary to use them effectively, they will not be as strong as a nation with less cutting-edge weapons but better trained and more experienced soldiers.

While it is sometimes taken into account in military power rankings, a nation’s defence expenditure is not a precise indicator of its military might. A nation’s commitment to maintaining a robust military can be shown by a high defence budget, but this does not always imply that the force is well-trained or combat-ready.

There are numerous examples of nations with robust armed forces that do not appear to be major military powers. For instance, Israel has a well-trained, highly motivated, and competent military despite its comparatively modest size and population. Similar to Singapore, which has a small military but one that is highly skilled, well-equipped, and trained, they are able to outperform their size in terms of military prowess. These examples show that in terms of military strength, numbers do not always tell the whole picture.

Military power lists also seem to ignore the capabilities of different weapons platforms or vehicles. For instance 100 MiG-21s will add as much points to a nation’s rankings as 100 F-35s. Or nuances such beyond-visual range missiles, radar, and other key components will be completely ignored. Important assets in today’s militaries such as drones and air defence systems aren’t even featured in lists such as Global Firepower. These aspects seriously undermine the reliability of these lists

Battle experience is a major advantage which cannot be overlooked. Not only because it trains soldiers in real, stressful scenarios but because it can form new tactics and doctrines. Thus enabling brand new techniques of war unique to a particular force. This is especially true when combined with a robust domestic defence industry. A force which is actively participating in combat can provide accurate feedback to arms manufacturers, which can in turn lead to improved weapons, as well ideas for new innovative systems. Overall, a military which uses its domestic arms in real combat has in immense advantage over arms importers and/or militaries which aren’t participating in ongoing wars.

A crucial non-military aspect that can have a big impact on a nation’s military power is intelligence. Strong intelligence capabilities enable nations to obtain vital intelligence on their adversaries, enabling them to better plan for prospective wars and decide how to respond to them.

Conclusion: Rather than relying exclusively on military power lists, it is critical to take into account a wider range of variables when evaluating a nation’s military might. We urge people to evaluate the information they are given on military power seriously and to look at a variety of sources. We can get a better grasp of a nation’s military capabilities by adopting a more sophisticated approach to understanding military power. 

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Under the leadership of Ataturk, Turkiye began manufacturing aircraft in the 1920s. By the 1940s, Turkiye had a flourishing array of indigenous aircraft designs. Unfortunately, the arrival of the 1950s spelled the end of the Turkish aviation industry. The Marshall Plan and the admission into NATO caused irreparable harm to the progression of local aircraft programs and the Turkish defence industry at the time. All progress was gone. It was only in the 1970s that the Turkish defence industry restarted due to arms embargoes. Since then, each decade has been full of steady progress. In preparation for the hundredth year of the Republic, major Turkish defence projects have been hastened. This includes four jet-powered aircraft, three of which are purpose-built combat platforms.

Turkish Aerospace TFX

The TFX is a 5+ generation twin-engine stealth air superiority fighter that will eventually replace the F-16 as Turkiye’s primary fighter jet. Originally intended to accompany the F-35 in order to make up for the F-35’s drawbacks, the TFX is shaping up to be an F-22 on steroids. Preliminary specifications suggest that it may outperform both the F-22 and F-35, which is not surprising as the TFX will likely serve as the basis for a 6th gen fighter further down the line. The TFX is the largest of all 5th gen fighters, with a length of 21 metres. Its engine nozzles are wide apart in order to accommodate a sizeable rear-facing sensor package. This almost SU-57-like rear end is perhaps the most notable difference between the prototype and the concept mock-up. The TFX’s first flight has been pushed back from 2025 to 2023.

“The first flight was planned for 2025. Instead, it will fly at the end of 2023.”

CEO of Turkish Aerospace, Temel kotil

The TFX has a much larger nose than its rivals, which has led to speculations about its radar. Some have dubbed it a “stealth AWACS” due to the large radar housing, which could host 2000+ GaN T/R modules. Along with side and rear radar and a slew of other sensors, the TFX’s enormous frontal radar will give it an immense advantage in air-to-air combat.

Turkish Aerospace TİSU

The TİSU, codenamed Anka III, is perhaps one of the most elusive programs in the Turkish defence industry. Spotted years ago in an infographic, it was only officially revealed recently. It is an unmanned stealth flying-wing bomber.

Its flying-wing design and roof intakes mean that it is optimised for deep bombing missions. It prioritises stealth and internal payload capacity over manoeuvrability and speed.

With the advent of the KERKES project, Turkish drones can operate in GPS-denied airspace. This is important for the TİSU, as it can fulfil its role even against a force with advanced jamming capabilities. This would include predetermined high-value targets such as bunkers, command centres, hangars, ammunition depots and runways, along with dynamic targets such as tanks and air defence systems, which the AI could autonomously target.

The TİSU is expected to perform its first flight in March-April.

Baykar Kızılelma

Baykar’s Kizilelma is the first of its kind. This sleek aircraft bridges the gap between traditional fixed-wing drones and fighter aircraft. Once ready, it will be a carrier-capable stealth multirole unmanned fighter. Its design is geared towards high maneuverability with its canards, a departure from all other UCAVs. It’s clear that Baykar is betting big on AI with the Kizilelma, and it may just pay off in the end.

Having made its first flight on December 14, the Kizilelma represents not only a milestone for Baykar, but also a giant leap forward for the Turkish defence industry. Its maiden flight represents the dawn of the jet age for the Turkish military aviation industry.

The Kizilelma is expected to enter the inventory before 2025, essentially acting as a stop-gap fighter before the introduction of the TFX. Like the infamous TB2, the Kizilelma is a far cheaper alternative to manned combat aircraft. It offers some 5th gen fighter capabilities at a price lower than most 4th gen fighters. This presents a budget option for smaller militaries. More interestingly, it is a highly economical force multiplier for serious militaries. It can be unleashed upon an enemy airforce and act as a “sky terminator” which relentlessly hunts down enemy fighter jets in contested airspace. Such an attack by a group of Kizilelmas would send enemy fighters into disarray. Alternatively, the Kizilelma could be used for targeting helicopters, AEW&C, cargo planes and drones, allowing manned 5th gen fighters to focus on other fighter jets.

Conclusion

Turkish military aviation is advancing at a pace reminiscent of US-USSR aerospace competition in the Cold War. The sanctions, embargoes and removal from the F-35 program have only strengthened Turkiye’s defence industry. Thus it can be said that the Anti-Turkish lobbyists in Washington have shot themselves in the foot.

The post The sudden emergence of Turkiye’s jet-powered combat aircraft first appeared on DefenceHub.

In a recent interview on CNN Turk, Roketsan CEO Murat Ikinci stated, “Atmaca and Cakir cruise missiles will be used together in coastal defence”. Indicating that truck-based Atmaca and Cakir cruise missiles will enter the inventory of the Turkish Armed Forces. With the introduction of both missiles, Turkey will have one of the world’s most formidable coastal defence networks.

Though the two missiles are similar, there are some interesting differences. The Atmaca is a long-range (220+ km) anti-ship cruise missile with a 220 kg high-explosive penetrating warhead. It makes use of a variety of sensors to target enemy ships with great precision. Upon approaching enemy ships, it enters ultra sea-skimming mode to avoid detection. It has 3D mission planning capabilities and can disengage, reengage, or engage new targets via data-link. The Atmaca was purpose-built as an anti-ship missile, although a land warfare variant is in development.

In contrast, the Cakir is a smaller missile with a range of 150+ km. Unlike the Atmaca, the Cakir has many variants, including the Cakir AS (anti-ship). The Cakir AS has a warhead weight of 70 kg, which is significantly less than that of the Atmaca. Though as a new generation cruise missile, it has improved capabilities such as the ability to travel in swarms, along with all the features of the Atmaca. The Cakir is also highly versatile due to its compatibility with air platforms and small naval vessels.

The Atmaca and Cakir will form a nearly impenetrable zone stretching more than 200 km away from the Turkish coastline. The differences between the two missiles mean that they can complement each other, with the Atmaca targeting larger vessels from a greater distance and the Cakir as a force multiplier that can harass any vessel which gets past the Atmaca’s line of defence.

With the addition of coastal Atmaca and Cakir batteries, Turkey will further secure its “blue homeland”. Combined with the upcoming Gezgin long-range cruise missile and the Tayfun SRBM, the Atmaca and Cakir will be part of an impressive layered coastal defence network.

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With almost 10 million customer accounts exposed to the attack, Optus is potentially facing a mass exodus. Today Optus revealed that over 2 million ID numbers have been stolen, including 150,000 passport numbers. The amount of documents leaked is expected to rise as internal investigations continue.

The Australian Federal Police (AFP) launched Operation Hurricane shortly after the cyberattack. Working in conjunction with the FBI and other foreign security agencies, the AFP-led Operation Hurricane aims to identify the perpetrators of the cyberattack.

Now, the AFP has announced a new operation called Operation Guardian. The aim of Operation Guardian is to provide immediate protection for 10,000 victims who had their information saved and reposted by members of the forum website where the information was initially leaked. As the hackers apologised and gave up their demands for $1 million, the AFP is setting its focus on minimising the impact of leaked documents that are now presumably circulating on the dark web.

“Customers affected by the breach will receive multi-jurisdictional and multilayered protection from identity crime and financial fraud.”

AFP Assistant Commissioner Justine Gough 

Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has confirmed that Optus will compensate victims of the cyberattack by covering the costs of their compromised passports.

Due to the difficulty of tracking down well-prepared cyber attackers, it is expected that the cybersecurity specialists within the AFP will need to dedicate weeks, if not months to come to a conclusion.

The post Australian Federal Police Scrambles to Assist Victims of Giant Telco Cyberattack first appeared on DefenceHub.

Ever since the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Turkic nations of Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan have been stuck in an awkward position. Though Azerbaijan quickly built strong ties with nearby Turkey, the rest of the Turkic states had a more difficult road ahead. Situated east of the Caspian Sea, the landlocked Turkic States of Central Asia are trapped between Russia, China, Iran, Tajikistan and Afghanistan. Though in a highly strategic position that can benefit from east-west trade, the Turkic states of Central Asia need to contend with much larger neighbours and the threat of terror arising from Afghanistan.

Efforts to form a strong bond between Turkic states started immediately after their independence in the early 90s. However, it was only in 2009 that the first serious step was taken; the establishment of the Turkic Council, which is now known as the Organisation of Turkic States.

In 1995 Turkmenistan declared its neutrality. This has influenced its foreign policy to this day. However, recent regional conflicts and a changing geopolitical landscape have made Turkmenistan rethink neutrality. In late 2021, Turkmenistan decided to become an observer state of the Organisation of Turkic States.

With the addition of Turkmenistan as a full member, the Organisation of Turkic States will finally encompass all independent Turkic states. Turkmenistan will join Turkey, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan as full member states, along with Hungary as the sole observer state.

The transition from observer status to full membership will not only allow Turkmenistan to blossom but also further legitimise the Organisation of Turkic States (OTS). With the addition of Turkmenistan, the OTS will represent all independent Turkic states, thus increasing the coherence of the Turkic World to unprecedented levels. With talks of a joint Turkic language, and cooperation in the fields of economics, culture, science, industry and defence, the Turkic world is on the brink of a great revival.

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The Pinaka multi-barrel rocket launchers, which are already in use by the Indian Army, will be exported for the first time with this purchase. The deal will also include anti-tank guided missiles and radars. Though further details are currently unavailable. In early 2020 Armenia purchased Swathi counter-battery radars from India. It is unknown if these radars were used in the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war.

Though India has signed a lucrative deal, it is unlikely that this purchase or any future arms purchases will benefit Armenia. Azerbaijan has leveraged its wealth from natural resources in order to build a powerful military that is backed by both Turkey and Israel. Which have two of the most capable militaries in the region. Azerbaijan’s military is on the cusp of fully reforming into a modern military, casting its Soviet origins aside. Meanwhile, Armenia is only beginning to modernise its military. However, the disparity is so great that Armenia will never catch up. The USA’s recent offer to provide arms appears more like a political stunt by the Democrat party to gain votes from Armenian-Americans. The sales of drones, fighter aircraft and anti-drone systems wouldn’t be a game changer as some are suggesting. Not only does Azerbaijan have the capability to defeat all these systems, but it can also make use of strategic depth; something which Armenia does not have. If Armenia engaged in an all-out war against Azerbaijan the destruction of Armenian military equipment would be akin to shooting fish in a barrel.

No matter which equipment Armenia acquires, it will make little impact on the balance of power. Armenia must recognize that it needs to make concessions for its 30-year-long occupation of Nagorno-Karabakh and sign a deal with Azerbaijan which would ultimately benefit both nations. There is no other alternative for Armenia. Though it seeks the help of distant powerhouses, it must realise that it is being used as a pawn in the geopolitical game.

The post India Secures $260 Million Arms Export Deal with Armenia: Here’s why Armenia is Wasting its Money first appeared on DefenceHub.

More specifically, the lack of them. The ambitions of Turkey’s defence industry have been dashed because of engines. For instance, the Altay tank was supposed to be in service years ago. But due to an embargo by Germany, MTU was banned from selling its 1,500 horsepower engines to Turkey. With no other options, the Altay tank programme has been in limbo for years, now awaiting production with a South Korean engine. There is also a domestic engine in development.

The Altay situation has been the bane of Turkish defence enthusiasts. It raises concerns about the future of critical projects such as the TFX (Turkish 5th gen Fighter).

Meet the TEI-TF6000

The TEI-TF6000 is a turbofan engine with 6000 lbf of dry thrust. Meanwhile, a variant of it called the TEI-TF10000-A/B, will produce 10000 lbf of wet thrust with the aid of afterburners. The afterburner variant was quietly introduced on TEI’s website today. TEI has suggested that these engines and their derivatives could power a variety of platforms.

“The TEI-TF6000 Turbofan Engine and its derivatives to be developed from its core engine are available to be employed on various national platforms such as manned-unmanned warplanes, business jets, regional passenger planes, civil-military helicopters with 10-ton take-off weight, gunboats, and power plants.”

TEI Website

Indeed, the afterburner version could come in handy for Turkey’s fighter shortage. The Baykar Kizilelma is set to receive Ukrainian engines. The AI-25TLT for the subsonic MIUS-A, and the AI-322F for the supersonic MIUS-B. However, the situation in Ukraine raises doubt about this. Especially when considering that Russia targeted the Motor Sich factory. TEI’s afterburner version of the TEI-TF6000 could be used instead of the Motor Sich AI-322F, as it provides a similar amount of wet thrust. Meaning that it can power the supersonic MIUS-B.

Though there is no timeframe for its completion, it is known that it has been in development for at least two years. It is rumoured that TEI developed the TEI-TF6000 for its own drone (TEI is part of Turkish Aerospace), which is only known to the public from a single infographic. Though pure speculation, the lack of suitable applications for this engine (in its standard form) in Turkish Aerospace’s catalogue of vehicles suggests that this rumour could be true. Regardless, the TEI-TF6000 is the key to key to all gates for Turkey’s defence industry.

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